Occupational licensing definition

Data on prekindergarten childcare teacher licensure can be found on our deep dive webpage. The database provides data on the occupations shown in Table 1. Table 1. Occupations Selected for Research. For all 48 occupations, available data relating to occupational licensing laws and requirements were collected at the state level. The resulting dataset provides details on the prevalence and levels of initial and continuing education requirements, the number and frequency of examinations, amount of occupational or professional experience or other required job training, and the monetary fees associated with receiving an occupational license across all states.

The dataset also provides information about the legal structures of the boards or government agencies that issue licenses for each occupation in all states. Data are sorted by occupation and can be viewed to compare the requirements for a selected occupation across states. For each occupation and across all states, where available, the dataset includes the following numerical variables:. Categorical variables are created to describe varying state licensing policies such as:.

The data then underwent a comprehensive cleaning process to ensure accuracy and reliability across each of the 34 occupations and all 50 states and the District of Columbia. Learn more about the Occupational Licensing Project. Additional Resources. Create Account. The National Occupational Licensing Database. This website uses cookies to analyze traffic and for other purposes.

You consent to the use of cookies if you use this website. Continue Our online privacy policy. Athletic Trainer. Occupational license means a license issued by the Board to a person or entity to perform an occupation which the Board has identified as requiring a license to engage in riverboat gambling in Illinois.

Examples of Occupational license in a sentence The Contractor shall hold an Occupational license business tax receipt. Occupational license means any of the following :. In licensing, the licensor gets the advantage of entering the international market at little risk. However, the licensor has little to no control over the licensee, in terms of production, distribution and sales of the product.

In addition to this, if the licensee gets success, the firm has given up profits, and whenever the licensing agreement expires, the firm might find that it has given birth to a competitor. As a prevention measure, there are certain proprietary product components supplied by the licensor itself. In other words, the organizational process leading to licensure may produce broader benefits to the public, even if the licensure itself is undesirable. The public choice account is also more dismissive of legitimate threats to public safety than the evidence supports, at least in certain fields.

It is true that most research does not find that licensing restrictions improve quality. However, this research tends to focus on incremental differences in licensing restrictions or on occupations that are not universally licensed for which one might reasonably assume the public safety justification for licensing is less strong. By contrast, two studies that do attempt to evaluate the initial introduction many decades ago of licensing laws for previously unregulated health care professions find that licensing has led to quality improvements.

Overreliance on the public choice account distracts from a range of needed licensing reforms. It does so in two ways: First, the standard public choice account tends to emphasize professions such as florists and horse masseuses, for which the public interest rationale seems implausible, but which do not make up a large fraction of workers.

This emphasis obscures the fact that some of the most important and consequential harms of licensing occur in traditionally licensed fields such as health care and law where there is a stronger justification for licensing—but where licensing rules are often overly burdensome or poorly designed.